雅思培训标题新颖题目 雅思阅读段落标题模拟题

学术写作是个纯粹的技术活。
学术写作是有套路、有规矩，有约束、有章法的。就好像短道速滑冠军滑的再快也未必能做花样滑冰，游泳健将游得再好未必会水上芭蕾，普通意义上写字写得优秀的人如果不经过专门的训练是无法写好学术论文的。
学术写作的强套路性

这里说的套路不是指具体的模板，而是约定俗成的文章结构、行文方法、逻辑脉络和整体框架。比如拿实证论文来说，无论文章具体的每一部分用的什么标题，文章整体的思路都一定是顺着“提出问题――拿出理论――提出假设――摆出数据――说明方法――验证假设”的整体思路来运行。这其实体现出当今主流的实证文章要求”theory driven” (由理论为引导)而不是 “data driven” （由数据为引导） ; 然而同时强调“data based”（以数据为依托）而不是 ”opinion based” （以意见为依托）。

相较而言，如果你写的不是学术论文而是一篇随笔、散文、杂文或网文， 那么随便你用任何你想要的结构和思路来行文，甚至可能越新颖、越博人眼球的结构艺术性越高、传播度越好。然而学术论文不行。学术论文是典型的“带着铁链跳舞”――你无法扔掉铁链，而要学会找到铁链的边界 ，适应规矩的约束，理解为什么要有这些约束。

比如，无论一篇学术文章讨论的是哪个具体题目，你在结构上都要遵从有摘要、 有正文、有参考文献的结构；你不能把参考文献放到第一页也不能把摘要放到最后一页，这叫“不符合规矩”。

再比如，写研究假设的时候，你写出的假设必须可以证伪，必须讨论两个或两个以上变量，必须以准确规范的语言描述变量之间的关系（详情请移步：什么是好的研究假设(Hypothesis)？――顺谈与自变量、因变量的关系）；你不能把“月亮代表我的心”“天青色等烟雨”这类浪漫的语言贴上去作为你的研究假设，也不能在没有任何理论依据的情况下把异想天开、天真烂漫的想象作为你的研究假设，这叫“不符合规矩”。

再比如，若想投国际期刊，你的文章必须要符合某一个“manual style”（论文格式，如Chicago，APA等），引用的方式必须规范讲究；你不能该省略的地方使用全拼，而该缩进的少了空格。这些，也叫“不符合规矩”。

谁也不是天生就懂规矩的。然而要想玩这个游戏，就得按着游戏规则走。

所以懂规矩、懂套路就成了修炼学术写作这个技术活的核心内容。基本的规矩，本领域内的规矩，高质量期刊的规矩，这些都需要慢慢积累、慢慢学习、慢慢训练方能习得，非一朝一日之功，更无法凭借超人的天资获得。
是的，连开拖拉机都需要去专门的驾校培训，写学术论文这种技术活必须经过专业的训练和一丝不苟的练习，没有办法绕道。

在雅思阅读的各类考题中，如果要评选一下“烤鸭”们心中觉得难度较大的题型，段落标题配对题(paragraph
headings)一定能够榜上有名。作为一个以高度概括性和完全替换性为特点的题型，相信许多同学都曾经或正在为它伤透脑筋。很多“烤鸭”说，考试时间有限，根本静不下心来仔细看一段一段的文章，何况还要概括总结出各段的核心大意；而且一不小心还会发生“连环出错”的惨剧。所以，一看到这种题型，首先心里就凉了半截。其实，“烤鸭”们可以调整好心态――越是麻烦的题型才越值得我们去钻研，当我们想出一些办法的时候也会更有成就感。关于段落信息匹配题的一般解法这里暂时不多赘述，接下来笔者就来讨论一种不同于一般解法的方式，探究一部分较为特殊的headings。每个人的情况不同，也可以登录文都国际教育官网进行*的咨询。
我们知道，相对于中文，英语写作会更加讲求逻辑连贯，尤其是选入雅思阅读材料的英语文章，更是优秀英文写作的代表，它们往往选编于英美国家一些主要报刊杂志，如Economist,
New Scientist等。那么这种写作特点对于我们解答段落标题配对题又有什么启发呢？
“烤鸭”们在练习雅思写作的时候，老师一定会说，提出观点以后，要举例或引用来证明这个观点，论证好了才能开始说下一个观点。这是一篇逻辑完整的英语写作文章最基本的要求。那么这个道理放在雅思阅读文章中也同样适用，也就是说，如果在某一段文章中出现了引用某种观点或结论的句子，我们就可以据此判断该段中想要说明的重要论点是什么了。
例如，剑桥雅思真题6 Test 4 Passage 1 “Doctoring
sales”的E段，段落中引用了一位医生的话，"'I've been the recipient of golf balls from one
company and I use them, but it doesn't make me prescribe their
medicine,' says one doctor. 'I tend to think I'm not influenced by what
they give me.'"
这名医生表达了自己虽然用了医药公司送的小礼物，但是并不会在开药方时受到影响。那么这段的主要内容就很明确了，对应前面的heading为“I.
Not all doctors are persuaded.”
在文章段落中出现引用的格式主要有这样三类：
1. *. + “……”（直接引语）
例如剑桥雅思真题6 Test 1 Passage 3 “Climate Change and the Inuit”的F段中直接引用了这样一句话：
'In the early days scientists ignored us when they came up here to
study anything. They just figured these people don't know very much so
we won't ask them,' says John Amagoalik, an Inuit leader and politician.
'But in recent years IQ has had much more credibility and weight.'
值得说明的是，本段中的IQ不是一般意义上的智商，前文中说明过：And Western scientists are starting
to draw on this wisdom, increasingly referred to as ‘Inuit
Qaujimajatuqangit’, or IQ.――也就是Inuit人们的智慧。根据John
Amagoalik的说法，早期来此研究的科学家认为当地的Inuit是“don't know very much”,
但是后来到最近几年情况发生了改变，IQ获得了更多的“credibility and weight”,
即可信度和重要性。所以，根据这个直接引语，我们很快就能选出前面对应的heading: IV. Respect for Inuit opinion
grows。
2. *. say/ claim/ argue/ believe/…that…
例如剑桥雅思真题7 Test 1 Passage 2 “Making Every Drop Count”中的E段中有这样几句话：
At the outset of the new millennium, however, the way resource
planners think about water is beginning to change. The focus is slowly
shifting back to the provision of basic human and environmental needs as
top priority - ensuring 'some for all,' instead of 'more for some'.
Some water experts are now demanding that existing infrastructure be
used in *arter ways rather than building new facilities, which is
increasingly considered the option of last, not first, resort.
这道题目的情况稍微复杂一些，出现引用的其实是“Some water experts are now demanding
that…”这句间接引语。如果有对同义替换非常熟练的“烤鸭”，应该已经能够看出这里water experts和前面heading的选项 I.
Scientists' call for a revision of
policy里面的scientists对应了。再加上本段从第一句就开始出现的change, shifting, instead, rather
than等词，反复传达“改变，变动”的意思，对应选项中的revision。当然我们也可以仔细分析一下间接引语的那句话：当前，一些水利专家正在要求应该更好地运用现有的水利设施，而非一味兴修新的设备。这句话的潜台词就是说，以前大家普遍的做法是后者而非前者，所以就是要修改现有的措施。这样也就不难选出Scientists'
call for a revision of policy这个选项来了。
3. a report/ survey/ research/ experiment/ … find/ suggest/ show/… that…
例如剑桥雅思真题6 Test 2 Passage 1 “Advantages of public transport”的D段：
Newman believes one of the best studies on how cities built for
cars might be converted to rail use is The Urban Village report, which
used Melbourne as an example. It found that pushing everyone into the
city centre was not the best approach. Instead, the proposal advocated
the creation of urban villages at hundreds of sites, mostly around
railway stations.
本段较为简单易懂，第一句话点出了一个重要文件The Urban Village report,
第二句话是重点，也是引用内容所在，讲到这个report发现了什么结果，即pushing everyone into the city
centre was not the best approach, 把大家都赶到市中心去并不见得好。所以，这就对应了选项中的I.
Avoiding an overcrowded centre。
又例如剑桥雅思真题6 Test 4 Passage 1 “Doctoring sales”的E段：
Free samples of new and expensive drugs might be the single most
effective way of getting doctors and patients to become loyal to a
product. Salespeople hand out hundreds of dollars' worth of samples each
week- $7.2 billion worth of them in one year. Though few comprehensive
studies have been conducted, one by the University of Washington
investigated how drug sample availability affected what physicians
prescribe. A total of 131 doctors self-reported their prescribing
patterns - the conclusion was that the availability of samples led them
to dispense and prescribe drugs that differed from their preferred drug
choice.
段落中引用了华盛顿大学的一项调查，调查发现药品推销时发放的样品确实可以影响医生开药方时的选择，所以对应了选项VII. Research shows that promotion works。
当然，这种另辟蹊径的解题方法还是有局限性的，只能适用于一部分较为特殊的段落，也就是在段落中出现了引用某人的观点或引用某个实验、研究的结论，我们才能用这个思路去解题。但是由于英语文章强调逻辑性，所以有不少文章段落还是会出现这种特征。“烤鸭”们在今后的做题过程中也可以慢慢去探索。

您好：都可以，不过雅思有一项评分角TA　人物回应每种类型的大作文10个任务回应
下面的格式可以帮你在TA项拿到7－8分
（1）agree　ordisagree
第一段：社会背景＋题目改写＋个人观点
第二段：个人观点＋解释
第三段：同上
第四段：观点批评　或　举个例子
第五段：总结
（2）both　views
第一段：社会背景＋题目改写
第二段：题目第一种观点＋解释
第三段：题目第二种观点＋解释
第四段：平衡论点　或　分情况讨论（不能导向一方）
第五段：总结
（3）problem，solution
第一段：社会背景＋题目改写＋提出你的解决方案
第二段：原因：过去的情况＋现在的变化
第三段：提出解决方案＋该方案的2－3个优点和一个缺点
第四段：针对上文缺点找措施
第五段：总结希望对您有所帮助！

雅思阅读段落标题模拟题

雅思考试的'阅读部分，因篇幅比较长时间有限，一直是考生们难以攻克的难题。为了帮助大家能顺利备考，下面我为大家带来雅思阅读段落标题模拟题，供大家参考学习，预祝大家考试顺利!

试题(一)

Volcanoes-earth-shattering news

When Mount Pinatubo suddenly erupted on 9 June 1991, the power of volcanoes past and present again hit the headlines

A

Volcanoes are the ultimate earth-moving machinery. A violent eruption can blow the top few kilometres off a mountain, scatter fine ash practically all over the globe and hurl rock fragments into the stratosphere to darken the skies a continent away.

But the classic eruption—cone-shaped mountain, big bang, mushroom cloud and surges of molten lava—is only a tiny part of a global story. Vulcani*, the name given to volcanic processes, really has shaped the world. Eruptions have rifted continents, raised mountain chains, constructed islands and shaped the topography of the earth. The entire ocean floor has a basement of volcanic basalt.

Volcanoes have not only made the continents, they are also thought to have made the world's first stable atmosphere and provided all the water for the oceans, rivers and ice-caps. There are now about 600 active volcanoes. Every year they add two or three cubic kilometres of rock to the continents. Imagine a similar number of volcanoes *oking away for the last 3,500 million years. That is enough rock to explain the continental crust.

What comes out of volcanic craters is mostly gas. More than 90% of this gas is water vapour from the deep earth: enough to explain, over 3,500 million years, the water in the oceans. The rest of the gas is nitrogen, carbon dioxide, sulphur dioxide, methane, ammonia and hydrogen. The quantity of these gases, again multiplied over 3,500 million years, is enough to explain the mass of the world's atmosphere. We are alive because volcanoes provided the soil, air and water we need.

B

Geologists consider the earth as having a molten core, surrounded by a semi-molten mantle and a brittle, outer skin. It helps to think of a soft-boiled egg with a runny yolk, a firm but squishy white and a hard shell. If the shell is even slightly cracked during boiling, the white material bubbles out and sets like a tiny mountain chain over the crack—like an archipelago of volcanic islands such as the Hawaiian Islands. But the earth is so much bigger and the mantle below is so much hotter.

Even though the mantle rocks are kept solid by overlying pressure, they can still slowly 'flow' like thick treacle. The flow, thought to be in the form of convection currents, is powerful enough to fracture the 'eggshell' of the crust into plates, and keep them bumping and grinding against each other, or even overlapping, at the rate of a few centimetres a year. These fracture zones, where the collisions occur, are where earthquakes happen. And, very often, volcanoes.

C

These zones are lines of weakness, or hot spots. Every eruption is different, but put at its simplest, where there are weaknesses, rocks deep in the mantle, heated to 1,350℃, will start to expand and rise. As they do so, the pressure drops, and they expand and become liquid and rise more swiftly.

Sometimes it is slow: vast bubbles of magma—molten rock from the mantle—inch towards the surface, cooling slowly, to show through as granite extrusions (as on Skye, or the Great Whin Sill, the lava dyke squeezed out like toothpaste that carries part of Hadrian's Wall in northern England). Sometimes—as in Northern Ireland, Wales and the Karoo in South Africa—the magma rose faster, and then flowed out horizontally on to the surface in vast thick sheets. In the Deccan plateau in western India, there are more than two million cubic kilometres of lava, some of it 2,400 metres thick, formed over 500,000 years of slurping eruption.

Sometimes the magma moves very swiftly indeed. It does not have time to cool as it surges upwards. The gases trapped inside the boiling rock expand suddenly, the lava glows with heat, it begins to froth, and it explodes with tremendous force. Then the slightly cooler lava following it begins to flow over the lip of the crater. It happens on Mars, it happened on the moon, it even happens on some of the moons of Jupiter and Uranus. By studying the evidence, vulcanologists can read the force of the great blasts of the past. Is the pumice light and full of holes? The explosion was tremendous. Are the rocks heavy, with huge crystalline basalt shapes, like the Giant's Causeway in Northern Ireland? It was a slow, gentle eruption.

The biggest eruptions are deep on the mid-ocean floor, where new lava is forcing the continents apart and widening the Atlantic by perhaps five centimetres a year. Look at maps of volcanoes, earthquakes and island chains like the Philippines and Japan, and you can see the rough outlines of what are called tectonic plates—the plates which make up the earth's crust and mantle. The most dramatic of these is the Pacific 'ring of fire' where there have been the most violent explosions—Mount Pinatubo near Manila, Mount St Helen's in the Rockies and El Chichón in Mexico about a decade ago, not to mention world-shaking blasts like Krakatoa in the Sunda Straits in 1883.

D

But volcanoes are not very predictable. That is because geological time is not like human time. During quiet periods, volcanoes cap themselves with their own lava by forming a powerful cone from the molten rocks slopping over the rim of the crater; later the lava cools slowly into a huge, hard, stable plug which blocks any further eruption until the pressure below becomes irresistible. In the case of Mount Pinatubo, this took 600 years.

Then, sometimes, with only a *all warning, the mountain blows its top. It did this at Mont Pelée in Martinique at 7.49 a.m. on 8 May, 1902. Of a town of 28,000, only two people survived. In 1815, a sudden blast removed the top 1,280 metres of Mount Tambora in Indonesia. The eruption was so fierce that dust thrown into the stratosphere darkened the skies, cancelling the following summer in Europe and North America. Thousands starved as the harvests faded, after snow in June and frosts in August. Volcanoes are potentially world news, especially the quiet ones.

试题(二)

The Problem of Scarce Resources

Section A

The problem of how health-care resources should be allocated or apportioned, so that they are distributed in both the most just and most efficient way, is not a new one. Every health system in an economically developed society is faced with the need to decide (either formally or informally) what proportion of the community's total resources should be spent on health-care; how resources are to be apportioned; what diseases and disabilities and which forms of treatment are to be given priority; which members of the community are to be given special consideration in respect of their health needs; and which forms of treatment are the most cost-effective.

Section B

What is new is that, from the 1950s onwards, there have been certain general changes in outlook about the finitude of resources as a whole and of health-care resources in particular, as well as more specific changes regarding the clientele of health-care resources and the cost to the community of those resources. Thus, in the 1950s and 1960s, there emerged an awareness in Western societies that resources for the provision of fossil fuel energy were finite and exhaustible and that the capacity of nature or the environment to sustain economic development and population was also finite. In other words, we became aware of the obvious fact that there were 'limits to growth'. The new consciousness that there were also severe limits to health-care resources was part of this general revelation of the obvious. Looking back, it now seems quite incredible that in the national health systems that emerged in many countries in the years immediately after the 1939-45 World War, it was assumed without question that all the basic health needs of any community could be satisfied, at least in principle; the 'invisible hand' of economic progress would provide.

Section C

However, at exactly the same time as this new realisation of the finite character of health-care resources was sinking in, an awareness of a contrary kind was developing in Western societies: that people have a basic right to health-care as a necessary condition of a proper human life. Like education, political and legal processes and institutions, public order, communication, transport and money supply, health-care came to be seen as one of the fundamental social facilities necessary for people to exercise their other rights as autonomous human beings. People are not in a position to exercise personal liberty and to be self-determining if they are poverty-stricken, or deprived of basic education, or do not live within a context of law and order. In the same way, basic health-care is a condition of the exercise of autonomy.

Section D

Although the language of 'rights' sometimes leads to confusion, by the late 1970s it was recognised in most societies that people have a right to health-care (though there has been considerable resistance in the United States to the idea that there is a formal right to health-care). It is also accepted that this right generates an obligation or duty for the state to ensure that adequate health-care resources are provided out of the public purse. The state has no obligation to provide a health-care system itself, but to ensure that such a system is provided. Put another way, basic health-care is now recognised as a 'public good', rather than a 'private good' that one is expected to buy for oneself. As the 1976 declaration of the World Health Organisation put it: 'The enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health is one of the fundamental rights of every human being without distinction of race, religion, political belief, economic or social condition.' As has just been remarked, in a liberal society basic health is seen as one of the indispensable conditions for the exercise of personal autonomy.

Section E

Just at the time when it became obvious that health-care resources could not possibly meet the demands being made upon them, people were demanding that their fundamental right to health-care be satisfied by the state. The second set of more specific changes that have led to the present concern about the distribution of health-care resources stems from the dramatic rise in health costs in most OECD countries, accompanied by large-scale demographic and social changes which have meant, to take one example, that elderly people are now major (and relatively very expensive) consumers of health-care resources. Thus in OECD countries as a whole, health costs increased from 3.8% of GDP in 1960 to 7% of GDP in 1980, and it has been predicted that the proportion of health costs to GDP will continue to increase. (In the US the current figure is about 12% of GDP, and in Australia about 7.8% of GDR.)

As a consequence, during the 1980s a kind of doomsday scenario (*ogous to similar doomsday extrapolations about energy needs and fossil fuels or about population increases) was projected by health administrators, economists and politicians. In this scenario, ever-rising health costs were matched against static or declining resources.

试题(三)

Disappearing Delta

A

The fertile land of the Nile delta is being eroded along Egypt’s Mediterranean coast at an astounding rate，in some parts estimated at 100 metres per year.In the past，land scoured away from the coastline by the currents of the Mediterranean Sea used to be replaced by sediment brought down to the delta by the River Nile，but this is no longer happening.

B

Up to now, people have blamed this loss of delta land on the two large dams aI Aswan in the south of Egypt，which hold back virtually all of the sediment that used to flow down the river. Before the dams were built，the Nile flowed freely carrying huge quantities of sediment north from Africa's interior to be deposited on the Nile delta.This continued for 7,000 years，eventually covering a region of over 22000 square kilometres with layers of fertile silt.Annual flooding brought in new, nutrient-rich soil to the delta region，replacing what had been washed away by the sea，and dispensing with the need for fertilizers in Egypt's richest food-growing area.But when the Aswan dams were constructed in the 20th century to provide electricity and irrigation，and to protect the huge population centre of Cairo and its surrounding areas from annual flooding and drought，most of the sediment with its naturaI fertilizer accumulated up above the dam in the southern， upstream half of Lake Nasser, instead of passing down to the delta.

C

Now, however, there turns out to be more to the story.It appears that the sediment-free water emerging from the Aswan dams picks up silt and sand as it erodes the river bed and banks on the 800-kilometre trip to Cairo.Daniel Jean Stanley of the Smithsonian Institute noticed that water samples taken in Cairo，just before the river enters the delta，indicated that the river sometimes carries more than 850 grams of sediment per cubic metre of water-almost half of what it carried before the dams were built.I'm ashamed to say that the significance of this didn't strike me until after I had read 50 or 60 studies，says Stanley in Marine Geology. There is still a lot of sediment coming into the delta，but virtually no sediment comes out into the Mediterranean to replenish the coastline. So this sediment must be trapped on the delta itself.

D

Once north of Cairo, most of the Nile water is diverted into more than 10,000 kilometres of irrigation c*s and only a *all proportion reaches the sea directly through the rivers in the delta.The water in the irrigation c*s is still or very slow-moving and thus cannot carry sediment，Stanley explains.The sediment sinks to the bottom of the c*s and then is added to fields by farmers or pumped with the water into the four large freshwater lagoons that are located near the outer edges of the delta.So very little of it actually reaches the coastline to replace what is being washed away by the Mediterranean currents.

E

The farms on the delta plains and fishing and aquaculture in the lagoons account for much of Egypt's food supply.But by the time the sediment has come to rest in the fields and lagoons it is laden with municipal，industrial and agricultural waste from the Cairo region, which is home is more than 40 million people.’Pollutants are building up faster and faster,’ says Stanley.

Based on his investigations of sediment from the delta lagoons, Frederic Siegel of George Washington University concurs. 'In Manzalah Lagoon, for example, the increase in mercury, lead, copper and zinc coincided with the building of the High Dam at Aswan, the availability of cheap electricity, and the development of major power-based industries,' he says. Since that time the concentration of mercury has increased significantly. Lead from engines that use leaded fuels and from other industrial sources has also increased dramatically. These poisons can easily enter the food chain, affecting the productivity of fishing and farming. Another problem is that agricultural wastes include fertilizers which stimulate increases in plant growth in the lagoons and upset the ecology of the area, with serious effects on the fishing industry.

F

According to Siegel, international environmental organisations are beginning to pay closer attention to the region, partly because of the problems of erosion and pollution of the Nile delta, but principally because they fear the impact this situation could have on the whole Mediterranean coastal ecosystem. But there are no easy solutions. In the immediate future, Stanley believes that one solution would be to make artificial floods to flush out the delta waterways, in the same way that natural floods did before the construction of the dams. He says, however, that in the long term an alternative process such as desalination may have to be used to increase the amount of water available. 'In my view, Egypt must devise a way to have more water running through the river and the delta,' says Stanley. Easier said than done in a desert region with a rapidly growing population.

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